The New Dark Age

Amandla Publishers has taken time to observe developments and implications arising out of the ANC NEC decision to recall Thabo Mbeki as the President of South Africa. This press statement represents a considered analysis and practical proposals from Amandla Publishers directed to the mass of ordinary poor and working people of our country, and progressive forces in our society as a whole. In this press statement we make the following arguments:

1. Amandla Publishers supports the call for a judicial commission of inquiry on the Arms Deal whose hearings and report must be open to the public, and following which all those individuals implicated in corruption and other crimes must be subject to criminal prosecution without fear, favour or prejudice, and those who were unfarily accused of corruption and other crimes being cleared publicly;

2. We call for public vigilance and mobilisation in support of the progressive values of our Constitution. Our call is different from the liberal and self-serving defence of the constitution by the beneficiaries of colonialism, apartheid and capitalism. Thus, as an institution committed to a non-sectarian and plural left-wing political discourse, Amandla Publishers is speaking out in defence of the constitutional values of free and open debate, freedom of association, non-discrimination, separation of powers, protection of independent statutory institutions and the promotion of socio-economic rights;

3. In exercise of our democratic rights, we offer a brief analysis of the statements and practices of the ascendant ANC land government leadership. and

4. We all for sustained social mobilisation to advance the socio-economic interests of the poor and working people and the building of left voices and platforms.

THE ARMS DEAL, CORRUPTION AND INDEPENDENT INSTITUTIONS

Amandla Publishers is in full agreement with the statement by the Archbishop Emeritus and the Nobel Peace Laureate, Desmond Mpilo Tutu, on the implications of the forced resignation of Thabo Mbeki as the President of the Republic. We agree with Tutu that ‘If South Africa was a democracy, there had to be certainty that those who led it were as uncorrupt as possible. It is a court of law that will ultimately decide whether [leaders are or not]’.

The recall of Thabo Mbeki by the ANC NEC has less to do with his performance and policies he put in place as President and more to do with the internal conflicts in the ANC. These conflicts have to do with the allegations of corruption linked to the arms deal and the factional struggle for power and priviladge associated with access to positions in the ruling party and government, including black economic empowerment ‘deployments’. Amandla Publishers adds it voice to the many South Africans calling for a full investigation into the Arms Deal so that those implicated in corruption can be prosecuted and those falsely accused can be cleared. Without a full and transparent investigation the stench of corruption will follow those fingered to high office and will affect everything they do.

If Mbeki’s recall had anything to do with his policies and style of leadership he should have been recalled a long time ago. He should have been fired for economic policies that left the structure and ownership of the economy largely unchanged. The set of policies like GEAR and others that liberalised the economy have been responsible for unemployment doubling, poverty increasing and inequality worsening since the end of apartheid. His AIDS policies resulted in the avoidable death of hundreds of thousands of people living with HIV/AIDS who were denied proper medication, nutrition, access to basic services and misinformation about the disease. His attack on free debate and his interference in independent state institutions such as the SABC, the Medical Research Council, the Medicines Control Council and others were sufficient for him to have been impeached by a consistent ANC dominated Parliament committed to the constitionally guaranteed independence of public institutions in an open and democratic society.

THE CONSTITUTION

It is not just Mbeki’s Presidency that has threatened the commitment to constitutional democracy and the rule of law. Statements made threatening anyone critical of the ANC President Mr Jacob Zuma, threatening the independence of the judiciary, and others against the principles of non-discrimination enshrined in our constitution are equally grave. In addition, there has been complicit silence aimed at strengthening the constitutional provisions for the separation of powers with an accountable executive that recognises the supremacy of the Constitution, a strong, vigilant, accountable and effective legislature, and freedoms of speech and association. The political leadership of our country seems to waver on this commitment to a modern, plural, open, progressive and vibrantly democratic system.

The logic of threatening the judiciary when convenient may attract essentially those questioning the rule of law for their own personal, selfish reasons: tax evaders, corrupt state officials under investigation, unscrupulous business operators, and so on. We have to ask the question of who loses most when there is no rule of law. It is under the rule of law in South Africa that poor and working people can take their own government to court in order to assert their right to housing or point to its failures. A constitutional democratic framework provides the best conditions under which poor and working people can hope to advance their interests. This approach is different from throw-away remarks against this or that reactionary judge for short-term political gain particularly when progressive forces have done very little to actually ensure thorough-going transformation of the criminal justice system in the interests of poor and working people.

In general, independent democratic institutions will be critical to maintain healthy tensions, checks and balances of the political and economic system: the executive must have separate powers from parliament, the judiciary and other state institutions. Ordinary people need to be able to check and balance the actions of the executive. Parliament must effectively and substantively hold the executive accountable.

On the other hand, we see cunning trickery from those who mask vested interests and benefits from past injustices. These interests are hidden under the ‘defence of democracy’ slogan. The biggest threat facing the deepening of constitutional democracy in our country originates from the inordinate inequality, poverty, under-development and the continued ownership and control of our country’s wealth by a small, unelected, unaccountable and self-serving elite. In response to these interests, Amandla Publishers calls on poor and working people to continue using the constitution to advance their socio-economic rights and to challenge inequalities inherited from the past. Poor and working people must actively use progressive aspects of the South African Constitution to ensure that governmental policies and conduct are always based on consideration of the needs of poor and working people, as well as to uphold open, accountable, ethical and responsive government on the basis of the supremacy of the Constitution and the rule of law through active democratic participation.

THE POLITICAL PRACTICES AND COMMITMENTS OF THE ASCENDANT ANC AND GOVERNMENT LEADERSHIP

The ascendant ANC and government leadership, which challenged and defeated Mbeki’s attempt to retain power in the ANC, is the final culmination of a long process of degeneration. This process has seen the alignment of a number of disgruntled individual and forces that have suffered at the hands of Mbeki’s authoritarianism and tendency to marginalise all those that disagreed with him. The SACP and COSATU constitute a left-wing component of the forces that defeated Mbeki. However questions arise about strong tendencies in these two organisations towards intolerance of plural debate and internal criticism.

Tutu’s statement also underlines the dangers of a triumphalist faction of the ANC that seems set to forsake the following values and principles of our struggle:
1. A pro-poor and pro-working class tradition that aims to eradicate poverty and social inequality;
2. An unwavering commitment to the equality and liberation of women;
3. Principled and consistent action against racism, tribalism, xenophobia, cultural chauvinism, patriarchy, sexism, homophobia and imperialism;
4. Intolerance of, and effective legal action against personal, corporate and political corruption without fear or favour; and
5. Commitment to a fair global economic and trading system and African unity, freedom, democracy, development, solidarity and human rights.

Politically, the new ANC and government leadership represents continuity with existing neo-liberal policies of the Mbeki government. The defeat of Thabo Mbeki and his political faction in Polokwane and the end of the ‘two centres of political power’ with his removal from the Presidency do not amount to the defeat of neo-liberalism as a class project. Fundamentally, the latter is social, rooted in the simultaneously unravelling and consolidation of social stratification in SA – displacing poor and working people, as well as the historical radical discourse within the ANC and the struggle in general. In many ways, the ascendant ANC and government leadership is a mirror image of the Mbeki faction. Numerous public statements made by the ascendant ANC leadership assuring businesss that there will be continuity with the Mbeki’s Neoliberal macro-economic policies suggest that they do not pose a real alternative to the anti-poor policies of the Mbeki government. Even after he was removed from government in 2005, the ANC President, Jacob Zuma has himself been consistently supportive of the Mbeki government’s economic policies, including in his addresses in COSATU’s meetings. This is in line with his record record in government both as country’s Deputy President and as MEC for Finance in the 1994-1999 KwaZulu Natal provincial government. Already, key elements of the ANC leadership are speaking in favour of continuing with the main thrust of anti-poor GEAR neo-liberal policies.

It is ironic that the very pro-market policies driven by Mbeki at the expense of alternative possibilities for social redistribution of wealth created the environment in which a black elite could grow and whose struggle over the empowerment deals often exacerbates existing tensions and conflicts and gives rise to competing camps. The same policies have also entrenched the social power and position of white capital which has continued to act on the ANC and the state in favour of protecting its vested interests.

The post-Polokwane actions of the new ANC leadership have done nothing to restore public confidence in the progressive and proud traditions of our struggle of non-racialism, anti-tribalism, public service, mass-driven struggle and socio-economic policies geared at advancing the interests of the poor and working people. The crisis facing the ANC leadership with regard to leadership, vision and confidence in its own progressive values, traditions and commitments is endemic and will not be solved by the removal of Mbeki. The ANC still contains careerists, narrow nationalists, an emerging black capitalist class and other socially conservative elements. There is a need in our society for vigilance, education, and mobilisation against the social conservatism and seeds of authoritarian populism epitomised in the statements by some amongst the new ANC leadership. In all this, we see the politics of politicians continung to displace and factionalise, the politics of the community. The ANC’s 2007 national conference has created a situation in which, on the one hand, there is the danger of further fragmentation and factionalism, palace politics, a politics of revenge and of rear-guard fight-backs.

South Africa needs a different politics: a progressive popular politics that must seek to defend, strengthen and transforming the state: the struggle against privatisation and commercialisation, against fragmentation and corruption, and the struggle to consolidate coherence and a transformational planning and delivery capacity.

THE NEED FOR SOCIAL MOBILISATION TO ADVANCE THE SOCIO-ECONOMIC INTERESTS OF POOR AND WORKING PEOPLE

From the standpoint of poor and working people, the political changes we have seen will only have meaning if it leads toalternative economic development path. Therefore Amandla Publishers calls for the creation of a climate for free, open, plural and transparent discussion and opinion formation on the needs and interests of poor and working people. Beyond this, Amandla Publishers also calls for the building of confidence, capacity for, and momentum for anti-capitalist left perspectives and solutions to the social and economic problems facing our country. There are thousands of people already involved in, and others prepared to work for decent jobs, skills development, rural development, sustainable development, gender equality, an end to violence against women, improvements in the socio-economic conditions of women, better education, health, housing, and social security. All of this must be based on greater efficiency, transparency and competence from government, a commitment to the rule of law and the progressive values of the constitution. For this we need campaigning trade unions, political parties, civics, social movements, community based organisations, churches and others united behind practical and easily understood objectives. As Amandla Publishers, we commit ourselves to work with others to contribute to the building of suh organisations that promote social and economic growth and development that prioritises and meets the needs of ordinary poor and working people.

Mbeki’s resignation and the build-up to the 2009 national and provincial elections occur in the midst of a global economic crisis. For this to be a realistic opportunity, the ANC alliance is challenged to undertake measures to protect the country from financial speculation and capital flight including the effective use of exchange controls such as was done by Malaysian President Mahathir during the 1997/8 global financial crisis. It is such measures that will give meaning to a pro-poor shift in economic policies.

In the view of Amandla Publishers, for all of the above to be possible poor and working people need to build a comprehensive critique of, and a programmatic path to overcome, neo-liberal capitalist policies and economy we have. Also required are political forces capable and willing to offer poor and working people organisational and political homes and capacity for self-mobilisation. In this regard, Amandla Publishers is committed to work with those inside and outside the ANC, the SACP, COSATU, social movements, civil society and churches.

Therefore Amandla Publishers calls on poor and working people, the left, other progressive democrats and civil society to start a national debate on how to use the 2009 national and provincial elections as well as the 2011 local government elections to go beyond the partisan ‘politics of politicians’ pursuing the building of the voice and power of ordinary poor and working people as well as practical political interventions that need to be made during these elections. Amandla Publishers is willing to provide the space and platform for political initiatives and interventions in the course of the elections.

Amandla Publishers