Dresden Terror Bombing, Like Hiroshima, a Maniacal Warning to Moscow

17 February 2020 — Strategic Culture Foundation

 Finian Cunningham
This weekend 75 years ago, the German city of Dresden was razed to the ground by British and American aerial bombardment. At least 25,000 mainly civilians were destroyed in raid after raid by over 1,200 heavy bombers, indiscriminately dropping high explosives and incendiaries. It took seven years just to clear the rubble.

Starting to Crack a Hard Target: U.S. Intelligence Efforts Against the Soviet Missile Program through 1957

5 February 2020 — National Security Archive

U.S. Learned of the First ICBM Test from a Soviet Press Release and the Second from a Remark Made to a French Politician 

Unaware of Sputnik I and II until They Were in Orbit

Washington, D.C., February 5, 2020 – In the eyes of U.S. intelligence and the military services, the greatest threat to American national security during the early Cold War was the emerging Soviet missile program with its ability to deliver nuclear weapons to targets across the United States.  Before the era of satellite surveillance, the U.S. scrambled to develop ever more effective intelligence-gathering methods, notably the U-2 spy plane, spurred on by having missed practically every important Soviet breakthrough of the time – including the first intercontinental ballistic missile tests and the world-changing Sputnik launches.

Continue reading

On Holocaust Memorial Day US Embassy Falsely Claims America Liberated Auschwitz

31 January 2019 — Mint Press

Feature photo | Soviet troops open the gates of the Auschwitz concentration camp after liberating it in 1945. Credit | Fototelegraf

The statement was immediately met with scorn from those who felt it was another example of Soviet erasure and an insult to the enormous sacrifice the Soviet Union made to defeat fascism in Europe.

Continue reading

Alliance between Berlin & Warsaw? New docs reveal what pushed USSR towards Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact

13 September 2019 — RT

Alliance between Berlin & Warsaw? New docs reveal what pushed USSR towards Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact

Signing of the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact. ©  Global Look Press

Recently released papers shed new light on the infamous non-aggression pact between the USSR and the Nazis. It was allegedly the West’s enmity and a potential alliance between Poland and Germany that forced Moscow’s hand.

Continue reading

‘Dual Power,’ Then… and Now? By Richard Fidler

29 August 2019 — The Bullet

Global capitalist crisis, impending ecological disaster, and new responses by popular movements in some regions, particularly in Latin America, inspire radical thinking about the need to go “beyond capital.” But how to attain the desired “system change” – today, an ecosocialist regime in place of capitalist rule – continues to be a matter for debate and experimentation.

Continue reading

The Molotov–Ribbentrop Pact: 80 Years Of Fighting Against Russia

23 August 2019 — Oriental Review

The debate on the Treaty of Non-aggression between Germany and the USSR have been deliberately whipped up by the West as an opportunity to lodge various historical, political and even financial grievances with Russia and discredit the country’s foreign and domestic policies. To that end, a series of resolutions were passed between 2006 and 2009 by PACE, the European Parliament, and the Parliamentary Assembly of the OSCE. In these resolutions, the political structure of the USSR in the 1930s and 1940s was compared to the Nazi regime in Germany, responsibility for the outbreak of World War II was placed on both countries, and the date the treaty was signed – 23 August 1939 – was declared the European Day of Remembrance for Victims of Stalinism and Nazism.

Continue reading

Gorbachev’s legacy: Russia’s 9/11 or Let a hundred weeds bloom

9 August 2019 — Eric Walberg

Perestroika is like an airplane that takes off without knowing where it will land. (Bondarev)

Reading Taubman’s exhaustive biography of Gorbachev, Mikhail Sergeevich, I was rivetted time and again, marvelling (as did Shultz and everyone who cared): how did this guy get from collective farm winner of the Red Banner of Labour to the top? My first question in reading a bio is ‘would I like to have this person as a friend?’, then ‘would I like to be him?’ Gorbachev gets a firm Nyet on both. But he’s important and pleasant, and this 700-page bio is full of real characters acting out a drama of Shakespearian dimensions.

Continue reading

“The Lesson of the Soviet Union Is that the Bureaucracy Chooses Capitalist Restoration”

5 June 2019 — Global Research

By Eric Toussaint and Wilder Pérez Varona

Wilder Pérez Varona (WPV): My first question to you is about the issue of bureaucracy.

Before 1917 the issue of the socialist transition is one thing. The 1848 Revolution, the Paris Commune (which is a crucial episode, but of a momentary nature) were always limited to matters of theory, principles, projections (we know that Marx and Engels were reluctant to be very detailed about these projections). The Revolution of 1917 placed this problem of transition in another way, on to a different level; a level that involved essentially practical elements. One of them involved the issue of bureaucracy, which gradually appeared throughout the 1920s. On the issue of bureaucracy as it was being developed in those circumstances, how do you define the function of bureaucracy by according it an autonomous role of such a relevant actor at the level of the class triad: the working class / peasantry and the bourgeoisie? Why this important place? I would also like you to say something on the distinctness of “class”. You are cautious to talk about the bureaucracy as a class; however, other authors do.

Continue reading

Did The West “Finish” With Russia? by Vladislav B. SOTIROVIĆ

7 February 2019 — Oriental Review

After the end of the Soviet Union in 1991, Russia was becoming a less popular area of studying and dealing with in comparison before the end of the Cold War. In the West, it was believed that after 1991 Russia was simply “finished” as Moscow was not anymore the capital of a Great Power state which had an important influence in global politics and international relations. In other words, the Western policymakers thought that after 1991 Russia would remain irrelevant as both economic and political power in global politics and, therefore, for instance, many university’s studies programs on Russia in the USA and West Europe were either canceled or downsized under the explanation that studying Russia was no longer important.

Continue reading